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The apprehension that Indira Gandhi’s ‘political martyrdom’ in 1970s may be replicated by her grandchildren to capture power does not hold much water now as the political environment has gone through a sea change, ushering in a ‘Naya Bharat’



There has been a highvoltage chorus of disapprovals in India and in the Western media over raids against high-profile politicians, like the members of Congress’ ‘first family’ such as ‘empress’ Sonia Gandhi and her ‘unbecoming princeling’ Rahul, and their interrogations by the country’s investigation agencies over the issue of corruption and money-laundering. Earlier also, the dynasty’s son-in-law Robert Vadra was meted out similar treatment over the issue of corruption and land-grabbing.

All these started post GE2014 in which the Congress party was badly mauled as it could muster just 44 MPs in the Lower House, the worst performance the grand old party had ever registered. Almost the same result was repeated in GE2019 in the country’s firstpast-the-post voting in practice since Independence and as per the constitutional mandate with further decrease of overall fall in vote percentage. Though the Congress won marginally higher number of seats this time, it was much less in number to cobble up a 2004 or 2009 type of coalition with “like-minded” parties to capture power.

On the issue of raids, even people of eminence went on to shout from the rooftops: “ED saves Gandhis in Congress power game”, “Not every hero is a martyr, but every martyr is a hero”, “The party’s first family must be hoping for their martyrdom at the hands of the Enforcement Directorate as the key members of the family targeted giving them hero status”, so on and so forth. They give the example of Indira Gandhi’s arrest, who was targeted by the first nonCongress party government in late 1970s for her undemocratic adventures during imposition of draconian Emergency in the country, which rather unleashed the family’s inner martyrdom. As her grandchildren now jump the barricades and wag fingers at those in power, and are also getting disproportionately high visibility on the prime time TV for no valid reasons, will these acts convert into votes like their grandmother managed to do in 1980? This is, indeed, a billion dollar question.

No doubt Sonia Gandhi’s high publicity visit to ED office – unlike Modi’s visit to SIT office alone and without publicity for several days, has enhanced the recall value of the Congress as the principal opposition party. The result: Brand Gandhi, which is on the verge of eminent decline, has turned the beneficiary of the media blitzkrieg. While many among the eminent writers and commentators are happy while some others are unhappy over the ED action with full backing of the judiciary. Recently, the Supreme Court in its verdict upheld the provisions in PMLA 2002, the Act that empowers the ED to conduct the raids and the interrogations. Meanwhile, those raided are now conveniently playing the victim card and crying hoarse claiming that they are at the receiving end of the ruling party’s vendetta politics. Now, let us discuss the Indira Gandhi’s so-called political martyrdom in late 1970s. Many argue that unsustainable actions against Indira during electorally mandated but incomplete tenure of the first non-Congress experiment in independent India was the single major reason of her return to power within three years of her and Congress’ electoral eviction from power. But, this author refuses to accede to this argument for the reasons such as: Firstly, the then ruling Janata Party, though was seen on the surface a single entity and formed the government accordingly; internally, there was no ideological convergence as that was an amalgamation of many political parties from diverse backgrounds such as Socialists, Centre-Left, Centre-Right, etc., who had joined hands hurriedly to kick out the dictatorial Indira-Sanjay regime from power and save the country’s democracy. But later it only resulted in conflicts over policy formulations and lack of united face of governance.

Apart from the above, some prominent ministers in the government found losing their ideological bases they had assiduously cultivated over decades of struggles at the grassroots level. This was the primary reason behind the fall of the Janata government. Secondly, the selection of the leader to head the government as the Prime Minister was not based on his popularity or votes he had garnered for the new party or the number of MPs loyal to him, but based on experience of as a politician with ministerial experience in the previous governments. This was the kind of mistake that had taken place in 1947 when Sardar Ballavbhai Patel’s electoral win was overlooked. However, all politicians are not of Sardar Patel’s essence. Patel’s only concern was nation building, and thus he acceded to Gandhiji’s undemocratic imposition of Nehru as the PM, instead of becoming part of a power struggle with a power-hungry Nehru during the early days of Independence.

It may be safely assumed that Patel the Great might have accepted Gandhiji’s decision with an objective to show the world and then British PM Winston Churchill, who had already branded the Indian leaderships as “a bunch of rascals” and opined that “they cannot rule themselves unitedly”, that the newly-independent country’s leaders were different. Despite betrayal of the democratic verdict under the watch of the “father of the nation”, early independent India’s government survived from possible a powerfight as seen in several newly independent countries around the world those days, and also in late 1970s during the Janata regime, on the foundation laid by Sardar Patel. The early failure of the ‘Janata experiment’ was the prime reason of Indira’s return to power in 1980 as she had successfully man- aged to convey the message that the nation needed a strong leader which only her dynasty could offer, and that the non-Congress leaders were just a bunch of power-hankering politicians. Her earlier careful cultivation of her and her family-centric hero-worshipping worked handy in her return to power. But her and her dynasty-centric dominance did not work in 1989, and it was the Indira, Rajiv governments’ subsequent decade-long widespread corruption that caused Rajiv Gandhi’s and the dynasty’s fall from power.

Here, I would like to mention that, had Indira not been assassinated by her own security guards in 1984 and following which her son not created an euphoria of ‘vote for the orphan’, the subsequent general elections would have thrown up a different verdict not matching with GE1980 as people by then had started distasting their own foolishness in supporting the Gandhis’ corruption-ridden dynastic politics in the country for decades. Now, the mute question is: Should the government abandon the ‘crusade against political corruption’ for ‘political correctness’ which may lead to ‘validation of corruption’ and make it ‘an integral part of nation’s politics’? My answer is: It MUST NOT. Therefore, one more question arises: Who should lead this movement? Certainly the man who has proved that the corruption stink can’t even touch his skin and is not a product of nasty dynastic politics, nor does he nurture dynastic ambitions. The above analysis clearly shows that people want a government in New Delhi which has a ‘clean image’, has ‘strong leadership abilities’ and displays ‘governance skills’. Subsequently, the same can be simulated in the state capitals as well. The apprehension that Indira Gandhi’s so-called martyrdom in late 1970s getting copied by her grandchildren to get back to power may not be feasible in 2020s as the political environment in India has gone through a lot of political changes.

The water of Narmada is no more getting wasted in Arabian Sea, rather it irrigates the farm lands in the distant Kutch desert, despite several decades of opposition by the West-funded socalled environmentalists, who on the one hand lead agitations against water shortage and on the other hand over farming and submerge of forest land in the catchment area. Hence, as the nation celebrates Azadi Ka Amrit Mahostav to commemorate the country’s 75th Independence Day, no doubt the present dispensation’s decisive drive against corruption, which taxed India’s economic development for decades and poisoned its political sanctity at every level, should be encouraged by all and sundry, irrespective of their political and ideological affiliations. 

(The author is a Senior Research Fellow in Defence Research and Studies ‘DRaS’, Ernakulam, and a faculty of Management Studies in Trident Group of Institutions, Bhubaneswar)

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Govt extends date for submission of R&D proposals



The Government has extended the deadline for submission of proposals related to R&D scheme under the National Green Hydrogen Mission. The R&D scheme seeks to make the production, storage, transportation and utilisation of green hydrogen more affordable. It also aims to improve the efficiency, safety and reliability of the relevant processes and technologies involved in the green hydrogen value chain. Subsequent to the issue of the guidelines, the Ministry of New & Renewable Energy issued a call for proposals on 16 March, 2024.

While the Call for Proposals is receiving encouraging response, some stakeholders have requested more time for submission of R&D proposals. In view of such requests and to allow sufficient time to the institutions for submitting good-quality proposals, the Ministry has extended the deadline for submission of proposals to 27th April, 2024.

The scheme also aims to foster partnerships among industry, academia and government in order to establish an innovation ecosystem for green hydrogen technologies. The scheme will also help the scaling up and commercialisation of green hydrogen technologies by providing the necessary policy and regulatory support.

The R&D scheme will be implemented with a total budgetary outlay of Rs 400 crore till the financial year 2025-26. The support under the R&D programme includes all components of the green hydrogen value chain, namely, production, storage, compression, transportation, and utilisation.

The R&D projects supported under the mission will be goal-oriented, time bound, and suitable to be scaled up. In addition to industrial and institutional research, innovative MSMEs and start-ups working on indigenous technology development will also be encouraged under the Scheme.

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India, Brazil, South Africa to press for labour & social issues, sustainability



The Indian delegation also comprises Rupesh Kumar Thakur, Joint Secretary, and Rakesh Gaur, Deputy Director from the Ministry of Labour & Employment.

India, on Thursday, joined the G20’s two-day 2nd Employment Working Group (EWG) meeting under the Brazilian Presidency which is all set to address labour, employment and social issues for strong, sustainable, balanced and job-rich growth for all. India is co-chairing the 2nd EWG meeting, along with Brazil and South Africa, and is represented by Sumita Dawra, Secretary, Labour & Employment.

The Indian delegation also comprises Rupesh Kumar Thakur, Joint Secretary, and Rakesh Gaur, Deputy Director from the Ministry of Labour & Employment. India has pointed out that the priority areas of the 2nd EWG at Brasilia align with the priority areas and outcomes of previous G20 presidencies including Indian presidency, and commended the continuity in the multi-year agenda to create lasting positive change in the world of work. This not only sustains but also elevates the work initiated by the EWG during the Indian Presidency.

The focus areas for the 2nd EWG meeting are — creating quality employment and promoting decent labour, addressing a just transition amidst digital and energy transformations, leveraging technologies to enhance the quality of life for al and the emphasis on gender equity and promoting diversity in the world of employment for inclusivity, driving innovation and growth. On the first day of the meeting, deliberations were held on the over-arching theme of promotion of gender equality and promoting diversity in the workplace.

The Indian delegation emphasized the need for creating inclusive environments by ensuring equal representation and empowerment for all, irrespective of race, gender, ethnicity, or socio-economic background. To increase female labour force participation, India has enacted occupational safety health and working conditions code, 2020 which entitles women to be employed in all establishments for all types of work with their consent at night time. This provision has already been implemented in underground mines.

In 2017, the Government amended the Maternity Benefit Act of 1961, which increased the ‘maternity leave with pay protection’ from 12 weeks to 26 weeks for all women working in establishments employing 10 or more workers. This is expected to reduce the motherhood pay gap among the working mothers. To aid migrant workers, India’s innovative policy ‘One Nation, One Ration Card’ allows migrants to access their entitled food grains from anywhere in the Public Distribution System network in the country.

A landmark step in fostering inclusion in the workforce is the e-Shram portal, launched to create a national database of unorganized workers, especially migrant and construction workers. This initiative, providing the e-Shram card, enables access to benefits under various social security schemes.

The portal allows an unorganized worker to register himself or herself on the portal on self-declaration basis, under 400 occupations in 30 broad occupation sectors. More than 290 million unorganized workers have been registered on this portal so far.

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India to spend USD 3.7 billion to fence Myanmar border



India plans to spend nearly $3.7 billion to fence its 1,610-km (1,000-mile) porous border with Myanmar within about a decade, said a source with direct knowledge of the matter, to prevent smuggling and other illegal activities. New Delhi said earlier this year it would fence the border and end a decades-old visa-free movement policy with coup-hit Myanmar for border citizens for reasons of national security and to maintain the demographic structure of its northeastern region.

A government committee earlier this month approved the cost for the fencing, which needs to be approved by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s cabinet, said the source who declined to be named as they were not authorised to talk to the media. The prime minister’s office and the ministries of home, finance, foreign affairs and information and broadcasting did not immediately respond to an email seeking comment.

Myanmar has so far not commented on India’s fencing plans. Since a military coup in Myanmar in 2021, thousands of civilians and hundreds of troops have fled from there to Indian states where people on both sides share ethnic and familial ties. This has worried New Delhi because of risk of communal tensions spreading to India. Some members of the Indian government have also blamed the porous border for abetting the tense situation in the restive north-eastern Indian state of Manipur, abutting Myanmar.

For nearly a year, Manipur has been engulfed by a civil war-like situation between two ethnic groups, one of which shares lineage with Myanmar’s Chin tribe. The committee of senior Indian officials also agreed to build parallel roads along the fence and 1,700 km (1,050 miles) of feeder roads connecting military bases to the border, the source said.

The fence and the adjoining road will cost nearly 125 million rupees per km, more than double that of the 55 million per km cost for the border fence with Bangladesh built in 2020, the source said, because of the difficult hilly terrain and the use of technology to prevent intrusion and corrosion.

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However, Stock highlighted the enormity of the challenge, noting that between 40% and 70% of criminal profits are reinvested, perpetuating the cycle of illicit financial activity.

In a press briefing held on Wednesday, Interpol Secretary General Jurgen Stock unveiled alarming statistics regarding the extent of undetected money laundering and illegal trade transactions plaguing the global banking network. Stock revealed that over 96% of the money transacted through this network remains undetected, with only 2-3% of the estimated USD 2-3 trillion from illegal trade being tracked and returned to victims.

Interpol, working in conjunction with law enforcement agencies and private financial sectors across its 196 member countries, is committed to combating the rising tide of fraud perpetrated by illicit traders. These criminal activities encompass a wide spectrum, including drug trafficking, human trafficking, arms dealing, and the illicit movement of financial assets.

Stock emphasized the urgent need to establish mechanisms for monitoring transactions within the global banking network. Currently, efforts are underway to engage banking associations worldwide in setting up such a framework. However, Stock highlighted the enormity of the challenge, noting that between 40% and 70% of criminal profits are reinvested, perpetuating the cycle of illicit financial activity. The lack of real-time information sharing poses a significant obstacle to law enforcement agencies in their efforts to combat money laundering and illegal trade.

Stock underscored the role of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in exacerbating this problem, citing its use in voice cloning and other fraudulent activities. Criminal organizations are leveraging AI technologies to expand their operations and evade detection on a global scale. Stock emphasized the importance of enhanced cooperation between law enforcement agencies and private sector banking groups. Realtime information sharing is crucial in the fight against illegal wealth accumulation.

Drawing inspiration from initiatives such as the “Singapore Anti-Scam Centre,” Stock called for the adoption of similar models in other countries to strengthen the collective response to financial crimes. In conclusion, Stock’s revelations underscore the pressing need for concerted action to combat global financial crimes. Enhanced cooperation between public and private sectors, coupled with innovative strategies for monitoring and combating illicit transactions, is essential to safeguarding the integrity of the global financial system.

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FM defends Atal Pension Scheme, highlights guaranteed returns



Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman defended the Atal Pension Yojana (APY) against Congress criticism, asserting its design based on choice architecture and a guaranteed minimum 8% return. She emphasized the scheme’s opt-out feature, facilitating automatic premium continuation unless subscribers choose otherwise, promoting retirement savings. Sitharaman countered Congress allegations of coercion, stating the APY’s guaranteed returns irrespective of market conditions, supplemented by government subsidies.

Responding to Congress’s claim of scheme misuse, Sitharaman highlighted its intended beneficiaries – the lower-income groups. She criticized Congress for its alleged elitist mindset and emphasized the scheme’s success in targeting the needy. Sitharaman accused Congress of exploiting vote bank politics and coercive tactics, contrasting it with the APY’s transparent framework. The exchange underscores the political debate surrounding social welfare schemes, with the government defending its approach while opposition parties raise concerns about implementation and efficacy.

Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman’s robust defense of the Atal Pension Yojana (APY) against Congress criticism highlights the ongoing debate over social welfare schemes in India. Sitharaman’s assertion of the APY’s design principles, including its opt-out feature and guaranteed minimum return, underscores the government’s commitment to promoting retirement savings among lower-income groups. The Atal Pension Yojana, named after former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, was launched in 2015 to provide pension benefits to workers in the unorganized sector. It aims to address the significant gap in pension coverage among India’s workforce, particularly those employed in informal and low-income sectors. The scheme offers subscribers fixed pension amounts ranging from Rs. 1,000 to Rs. 5,000 per month, depending on their contribution and age at entry, after attaining the age of 60. Sitharaman’s response comes after Congress criticism alleging the APY’s inefficacy and coercive tactics in enrolment.

Congress General Secretary Jairam Ramesh described the scheme as poorly designed, citing instances of subscribers dropping out due to unauthorized account openings. However, Sitharaman refuted these claims, emphasizing the APY’s transparent and beneficiary-oriented approach. The finance minister’s defense focuses on three key aspects of the APY: Choice Architecture: Sitharaman highlights the opt-out feature of the APY, which automatically continues premium payments unless subscribers choose to discontinue.

This design element aims to encourage long-term participation and ensure consistent retirement savings among subscribers. By simplifying the decision-making process, the scheme seeks to overcome inertia and promote financial discipline among participants. Guaranteed Minimum Return: Sitharaman underscores the APY’s guarantee of a minimum 8% return, irrespective of prevailing interest rates. This assurance provides subscribers with confidence in the scheme’s financial viability and incentivizes long-term savings.

The government’s commitment to subsidizing any shortfall in actual returns further strengthens the attractiveness of the APY as a retirement planning tool. Targeting the Needy: Sitharaman defends the predominance of pension accounts in lower income slabs, arguing that it reflects the scheme’s successful targeting of its intended beneficiaries – the poor and lower-middle class. She criticizes Congress for its alleged elitist mindset and suggests that the party’s opposition to welfare schemes like the APY stems from a disconnect with the needs of marginalized communities. Sitharaman’s rebuttal also addresses broader political narratives surrounding social welfare policies in India.

She accuses Congress of exploiting vote bank politics and coercive tactics, contrasting it with the transparent and inclusive framework of the APY. The exchange underscores the ideological differences between the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the opposition Congress, with each side advocating for their vision of social welfare and economic development. In addition to defending the APY, Sitharaman’s remarks shed light on the broader challenges and opportunities facing India’s pension sector.

Despite significant progress in expanding pension coverage through schemes like the APY, the country still grapples with issues such as financial literacy, informal employment, and pension portability. Addressing these challenges requires a multifaceted approach involving government intervention, private sector participation, and civil society engagement.

As India strives to achieve its vision of inclusive and sustainable development, initiatives like the APY play a crucial role in promoting economic security and social equity. Sitharaman’s defense of the scheme underscores the government’s commitment to addressing the needs of vulnerable populations and ensuring their financial well-being in the long run.

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Regulatory steps will make financial sector strong, but raise cost of capital



India’s financial system regulator, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), is demonstrating a serious commitment to improving governance and transparency at finance companies and banks, with the RBI’s recent measures aimed at curtailing lenders’ overexuberance, enhancing compliance culture and safeguarding customers.

While the global ratings firm has appreciated the RBI’s “diminishing tolerance for non-compliance, customer complaints, data privacy, governance, know-your-customer (KYC), and anti-money laundering issues”, it has cautioned that increased regulatory risk could impede growth and raise the cost of capital for financial institutions. “Governance and transparency are key weaknesses for the Indian financial sector and weigh on our analysis. The RBI’s new measures are creating a more robust and transparent financial system,” says S&P Global Credit Analyst, Geeta Chugh. “India’s regulator has underscored its commitment to strengthening the financial sector. The drawback will be higher capital costs for institutions,” Chugh cautions.

The RBI measures include restraining IIFL Finance and JM Financial Products from disbursing gold loan and loans against shares respectively and asking Paytm Payments Bank (PPBL) to stop onboarding of new customers. Earlier in December 2020, the RBI suspended HDFC Bank from sourcing new credit card customers after repeated technological outages. These actions are a departure from the historically nominal financial penalties imposed for breaches, S&P Global notes.

Besides, as the global agency points out, the RBI has decided to publicly disclose the key issues that lead to suspensions or other strict actions against concerned entities and become more vocal in calling out conduct that it deems detrimental to the interests of customers and investors. “We believe that increased transparency will create additional pressure on the entire financial sector to enhance compliance and governance practices,” adds Chugh. The global agency has also lauded the RBI’s recent actions demonstrating scant tolerance for any potential window-dressing of accounts.

These actions include the provisioning requirement on alternative investment funds that lend to the same borrower as the bank finance company. Amidst the possibility of some retail loans, such as personal loans, loans against property, and gold loans getting diverted to invest in stock markets and difficulty of ascertaining the end-use of money in these products, S&P Global underlines the faith of market participants that the RBI and market regulator, the Securities and Exchange Board of India, want to protect small investors by scrutinizing these activities more cautiously.

On the flip side, at a time of tight liquidity, the RBI’s new measures are likely to limit credit growth in fiscal 2025 (year ending March 2025). “We expect loan growth to decline to 14 per cent in fiscal 2025 from 16 per cent in fiscal 2024, reflecting the cumulative impact of all these actions,” says Chugh. The other side of the story is that stricter rules may disrupt affected entities and increase caution among fintechs and other regulated entities and the RBI’s decision to raise risk weights on unsecured personal loans and credit cards may constrain growth. Household debt to GDP in India (excluding agriculture and small and midsize enterprises) increased to an estimated 24 per cent in March 2024 from 19 per cent in March 2019. Growth in unsecured loans has also been excessive and now forms close to 10 per cent of total banking sector loans.

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