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Pakistan pushes PoJK to the verge of a major crisis

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Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoJK) has been grappling with a flurry of protests recently due to the Pakistan government’s plan to amend the region’s constitution to take away financial and administrative powers of the local government. This has resulted in a massive uprising in all the 10 districts of PoJK. Reports said that on July 1, a joint secretary in the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs in Islamabad sent a letter to the chief secretary of PoJK, informing that the Prime Minister of Pakistan Shahbaz Sharif has constituted a six-member committee to seek amendments in the interim constitution of PoJK. The letter has asked the PoJK government to nominate its three members to participate in the deliberations.
Pakistan government’s six-member committee that included ministers of law, defence and Kashmir Affairs will give a final shape to a draft which will be known as the 15th amendment to the Azad Jammu and Kashmir Interim Constitution. It is believed that Prime Minister of PoJK Sardar Tanveer Ilyas has nominated an additional chief secretary, secretary of law and secretary of agriculture to attend the deliberations with the leaders in Islamabad.
Protesters say that the PoJK government should have nominated political leaders cutting across the aisle as this amendment relates to curbing political powers of the local government and has wider ramifications.
The protesters say the decision to nominate bureaucrats to deliberate with the ministers of the Pakistan government is tantamount to surrendering before Islamabad. Publicly Ilyas and even opposition members have so far held the view that they will not allow implementation or legislation of this 15th amendment. Interestingly, the opposition parties in PoJK which are Pakistan Muslim League and the People’s Party are alliance partners in the government under Prime Minister Shabaz Sharif. Pakistan Tehreek e Insaf (PTI) of Imran Khan is the ruling party in PoJK.
A few years ago, under the 13th amendment, the PoJK government had secured rights to legislate on finance and administrative issues, which seems not going well with the political and bureautic class in Pakistan.
Former Prime Minister of PoJK Raja Farooq Haider, whose party PML is in power in Islamabad has stated that he will not allow this amendment to take place. This amendment involves scrapping the 13th amendment and restoration of the Kashmir Council to become a superimposing body above the PoJK government and the legislative assembly. 13th amendment had curtailed the powers of the Pakistan government and its officials on the affairs of PoJK. Pakistan had never allowed a proper set-up in the PoJK and as per the constitution it is deemed to be an interim arrangement, till the the status of the POJK is determined.Under the garb of this interim set-up and dreams of one Jammu & Kashmir State as a whole are trampled , Pakistani authorities have used every tactic to deny political rights to the people of PoJK.

Revival of unelected Kashmir Council
According to the details being drafted in the name of the 15th amendment, the powers of the unelected Kashmir Council will revive and it will play a crucial role in administrative and financial legislation. In the earlier structure, the Pakistan government used to get some Rs. 500 to 600 crore every year as taxes from PoJK. But after the 13th amendment, the money was disbursed to the PoJK government. Therefore, the Pakistan government wants to annul the 13th amendment by bringing the 15th amendment.
The Ministry of Kashmir Affairs and the Chairman of Pakistan parliament’s Kashmir Committee are seen as gravy trains by Pakistani politicians. Such is the rush to head the Kashmir Affairs Ministry in Islamabad that Mian Manzoor Ahmed Khan Watoo, who has been chief minister of Punjab and then industry minister had preferred to occupy the post of this ministry rather than seeking any other prominent role. Similarly, Maulana Fazlu Rahman always preferred to chair the parliamentary committee on Kashmir to get funds for his political and personal activities.
In the legislative scheme, there are 28 subjects, that the PoJK assembly cannot legislate which include defence, foreign affairs etc. In another set of subjects that include water sharing and electricity, the PoJK assembly is authorized to legislate, but with the consultations of the Pakistan government. Now the 15th amendment stipulates that both the subjects will be in the domain of the unelected Kashmir Council instead of the legislative assembly. If there is a need to impose an emergency in the region, it will not be done with the stamp of the PoJK president, but by the seal and signature of the Prime Minister of Pakistan after getting recommendations from the Council. Pakistan government is also authorised to appoint high court and supreme court judges, chief election commission, auditor general, chief secretary, police chief etc. The Pakistan government will also control the finances of PoJK.
Before the 13th Amendment, the council was very powerful. Headed by the prime minister of Pakistan as chairperson, the council was created under POJK’s Interim Constitution Act, 1974, “to serve as a bridge” between the governments in Islamabad and Muzaffarabad. However, it was widely alleged that this institution had assumed the role of a parallel government [for POJK]. The 13th amendment had taken away its powers. In the earlier version before the 13th amendment, there was no provision for it having its secretariat. Now the 15th amendment also calls for a separate secretariat for the Council. That means there will be a government over the government.
Under the interim constitution of PoJK, the Kashmir Council was an executive authority. Kashmir Council had responsibility for the tax collected from all over the state. All the income tax commissioners of the state were subordinate to the council. and all the revenue went directly to the council of which 80% is held by the PoJK government and 20% by the Kashmir council.
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Historic 13th Amendment
After the historic 13th Amendment to the Azad Jammu and Kashmir Interim Constitution Act 1974 in the PoJK Legislative Assembly, all powers of the Kashmir Council were transferred to the PoJK Government, the Legislative Assembly, and the Prime Minister of Pakistan.
It was passed by a majority vote in the joint sitting of the Azad Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly and the Kashmir Council. In the joint sitting, 49 members of the Legislative Assembly, six members of the Kashmir Council, and the Federal Minister for Kashmir Affairs cast one vote. On June 1, 2018, the PML-N government passed this historic legislation with a majority of 35 out of 56 members.
Many changes have been made through this historic legislation. Article 6 used to convene a joint sitting in case of a no-confidence motion against the President, but now a one-third majority of the Legislative Assembly, i.e. 17 members of the Assembly, can move a no-confidence motion. Under Article 14 (1), the number of Ministers in the Legislative Assembly is fixed at 30% of the total members of the Assembly. The next government will not be able to have more than 16 ministers in the cabinet under this law. Under Article 14-A, the Prime Minister of PoJK will now be able to appoint five Parliamentary Secretaries and two Special Assistants or Advisers.
According to Article 17 (3), in the absence of the Prime Minister of PoJK, the senior minister would have been the caretaker Prime Minister. The no-confidence motion against the Prime Minister of PoJK will be able to form 25% of the total members i.e. 13 members of the Assembly. Earlier, a member of the Assembly could have moved the motion.
In Article 50, the Election Commissioner will be replaced by the Election Commission which will consist of a total of three members including one Election Commissioner and two more members. The Prime Minister, after consulting the Leader of the Opposition in PoJK, will send his name to the President, who will give his formal approval.
The significance of the PoJK Council after the thirteen Amendments is toothless, but according to United Nations (UN) resolution, Kashmir Council cannot be abolished in Pakistan and Indian Kashmir.
That the Muzaffarabad government has always taken diktats from Rawalpindi is an open secret. Tourism is the major source of bread and butter for Kashmiris. However, the Pakistani military’s taking over tourist hotspots and making a tourism development authority has incensed the local people. They are jittery about Pakistan’s efforts to gobble POK into its federation. By making the high-level committee prepare a draft for the 15th amendment it is believed that Pakistan is making serious attempts to integrate PoJK into its federation. The result has been massive widespread protests and demonstrations at Rawalakot, Bagh, Poonch, Muzaffarabad and Neelam Valley among other districts in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.

Divesting liberty and rights
Opposition and treasury benches PoJK Assembly have vowed to resist any attempt aimed at divesting the liberated territory and its people of rights that they had gained through a landmark constitutional amendment some four years ago.
The rare consensus was demonstrated by them during a debate on an adjournment motion by PML-N leader and former prime minister Raja Farooq Haider, wherein he took strong exception to a recent letter from the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs in which nomination of three representatives from the PoJK government was sought for a subcommittee constituted to “examine and finalise the proposed draft of 15th amendment”.
“The letter has disregarded facts and attempts to undermine the honour of the legislative assembly. It has not only hurt the Kashmiris who have always braved India’s machinations but also runs the risk of creating misgivings between the Kashmiris and the government of Pakistan,” he said.
Haider recalled that this house had “restored the constitutional, legal, financial and administrative authority of the POJK government following the spirit of parliamentary democracy and the aspirations of Kashmiris” through the 13th amendment in June 2018.
He made it clear that as long as POJK remained in existence with the existing special status, the struggle for freedom of occupied territory would continue with vigour.
Most of his views were endorsed not only by Sardar Hassan Ibrahim of Jammu Kashmir Peoples Party and Bazil Ali Naqvi of Pakistan Peoples Party from the opposition benches but also by Minister for Education Deevan Ali Chughtai, Minister for Local Government Khawaja Farooq Ahmed and some other treasury members. Additionally, it was also widely accused that the council has become a hub of unchecked corruption and political wheeling and dealing ahead of every election in PoJK, largely evading scrutiny of its spending by any investigating or accounting body.
The council that enjoyed administrative control of the POJK Department of Inland Revenue, AG Office and the Directorate General of Audit, would retain 20 per cent of the income tax generated from the POJK territory as well as some other funds to meet the administrative expenditures of its inflated secretariat in Islamabad and some other miscellaneous heads, and also to carry out development activities in Pakistan and PoJK.
However, as the administrative control of all three departments stood transferred to the PoJK government after the 13th amendment, the council was left with no source of income, which, according to sources, had greatly upset the beneficiaries of the previous system.
Interestingly, according to a recent statement, revenue collection had substantially increased in the wake of the 13th amendment, even though the Covid-19 pandemic and an earthquake in the southern districts had affected business activities in PoJK in 2019-20.
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Relationship between Pakistan and PoJK
The relationship between Pakistan and PoJK has remained fluid over. Nothing concrete was laid out in the initial days of Independence to formalize the relationship. The people of PoJK and their leadership, strived hard to get a proper constitution and governance setup. Consequently, several legal and constitutional arrangements were introduced during the nineteen sixties and seventies. All these Acts provided for a Presidential form of Government. The 1970 Act gave full legislative powers to the POJK Assembly, as well as executive powers to POJK Government which enabled it to take major decisions.
In 1974 Azad Jammu and Kashmir Interim Constitution Act 1974 was introduced which governs the affairs of POJK till today. The 1974 Act made drastic changes such as switching to a parliamentary form of government and establishing a new forum called the Council, which was entrusted with significant legislative and executive powers. The formation of the POJK Council was perhaps intended to streamline the relationship between Islamabad and Muzaffarabad. However, the overwhelming feeling in Azad Jammu and Kashmir is that the Council has been unable to achieve the objectives for which it was established. The extent of its authority and performance remains debatable. It is widely believed that the Council’s executive powers drastically hamper the elected government’s ability to take key decisions related to finance, public policy and socio-economic development.
Ever since PoJK came into being in 1947, the Government of Pakistan has always had a strong presence in the region. It controls defence, security, currency, and foreign relations. Key officers of the Government are nominated by the Government of Pakistan. These officers are the Chief Secretary, the Inspector General of Police, the Finance Secretary, the Home Secretary, the Health Secretary, the Accountant-General, and (usually) the Additional Chief Secretary (Development). They are known as “Lent Officers”, and are not under the POJK Government’s control in matters of discipline or posting. Thus, they are a strong check on the exercise of powers by the President and Cabinet of POJK. The system of “Lent Officers” is a permanent feature, and has never been changed.
Without going into details, it can be said that the Government at Muzaffarabad was appointed and removed by – and acted under the control of – the Government of Pakistan. Few political rights were available to the people of POJK under this system. This form of government was presidential; while the Government Act 1960 provided a semblance of democracy, it did not include self-rule for Kashmiris. Even this was soon discarded.
In 1970, POJK was given an elected Government and a Legislative Assembly directly elected by the people. POJK was given powers which, in practice, had not existed in the preceding two decades. The POJK Government Act 1970 was promulgated to serve as the constitution of POJK. It provided that there would be a President, who would be elected directly by Kashmiris living in POJK and Pakistan. It empowered the POJK Assembly to amend the said Act. All executive powers were vested in the President, who was to be aided by a small cabinet of three ministers. Corresponding legislative powers were vested in the Assembly except in respect of defence and security, currency and the external affairs of Azad Jammu and Kashmir.

PoJK Interim Constitution
In 1971, the Assembly amended the Act (without having to seek prior permission from the Government of Pakistan) and gave fundamental rights to the people and writ jurisdiction to the High Court. An Apex Court was also created, in which appeals could be filed against the High Court’s judgments. The power to appoint judges to the superior courts lay with the President of POJK. Importantly, the subjects of foreign trade and foreign aid were included in the legislative and executive authority of the POJK Government which immensely raised internal autonomy to a new height.
In 1974, the elected Legislative Assembly repealed the 1970 Act and enacted the POJK Interim Constitution Act 1974. , The Government of Pakistan, discharging its responsibilities and approved the repeal of the 1970 Act and its replacement by this new Act. The draft was prepared in the offices of the Government of Pakistan. The party in power, led by the elected POJK President and all other major parties, obliged. The AJ&K Assembly consequently passed the POJK Interim Constitution Act 1974. This introduced a parliamentary form of government, and the powers of the AJ&K Government were drastically reduced.
Under the new scheme, powers in respect of 52 subjects, as well as some other important powers related to the appointments of High and Supreme Courts judges were taken away from the POJK Government and vested in the POJK Council. This body consists of elected members from POJK and nominated members from the Parliament of Pakistan.
The subjects falling under the POJK Council’s remit include electricity & Hydro Power Generation, tourism, population planning, banking, insurance, stock exchange and futures markets, trading corporations, telecommunication, planning for economic coordination, highways, miners, oil and gas, development of industries, newspapers etc. The major sources of income of the POJK Government, i.e. income tax and some other taxes, were transferred to the POJK Council, giving it greater control over POJK’s finances. In addition, powers to appoint Judges of the Supreme Court and High Court, the Chief Election Commissioner, and the Auditor General were also taken away from POJK Government and now vested in the Chairman of POJK Council.
According to section 21 of the 1974 Act, whoever is the Prime Minister or Chief Executive of Pakistan shall be Chairman of the POJK Council. All the executive powers of the Council are vested in the Chairman. Thus executive powers in respect of the 52 subjects, as well as powers to fill high offices, virtually stand transferred to the Government of Pakistan. POJK is therefore left with little autonomy or status.

Inherent defects
Some defects are inherent in the scheme of the POJK Council. The executive authority in respect of 52 subjects included in the Third Schedule as well as appointment and removal of Judges of Superior Courts, Chief Election Commissioner, Auditor General, etc, are vested in the Chairman, and the members of the POJK Council (elected or nominated) have no role to play in these matters. The Chairman is not an elected official and is not answerable to any POJK elected body about POJK affairs (even if, as an elected Prime Minister of Pakistan, he is answerable to the Pakistani electorate).
As is obvious, the Chairman is not an elected representative of the people of POJK nor is he answerable to them. Thus, democracy has little place in this system. It is an anomaly that in the setup at Muzaffarabad, executive authority (or whatever is left of it) is vested in an elected cabinet, which is answerable to the Assembly and the people of POJK, while in the POJK Council the opposite is true. This is inconsistent with the norms of a democratic polity in the present era. The political rights of the people of POJK, therefore, stand denied.
In the POJK Council, representation is separately given to Pakistan and POJK. On one side are the Prime Minister/Chief Executive of Pakistan and six Ministers/MPs who are nominated by the Chairman. On the POJK side, six members are elected by the POJK Assembly. This body legislates for POJK and also levies taxes. The composition of the Council is not representative but is heavily tilted in favour of the Government of Pakistan. This is because the Chairman and the six Ministers /MPs all belong to one political party/group, and therefore are more capable of uniting within the Council, while the six elected members are from two or three different parties. In practice, the role of these elected members, in the presence of the high personages representing the Government of Pakistan, is insignificant. Thus the elected representatives have a very insignificant role in legislating on the subjects vested in the POJK Council and levying taxes.

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Legally Speaking

Supreme Court holds off on decision in Baba Ramdev contempt case

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The Supreme Court has deferred its decision on a contempt notice issued against yoga guru Ramdev, his associate Balkrishna, and their company Patanjali Ayurved in connection with a case involving misleading advertisements. The bench, comprising Justices Hima Kohli and Ahsanuddin Amanullah, stated, “Orders on the contempt notice issued to respondents 5 to 7 (Patanjali Ayurved Ltd, Balkrishna, and Ramdev) are reserved.” The Uttarakhand State Licensing Authority (SLA) informed the court that manufacturing licenses for 14 products of Patanjali Ayurved Ltd and Divya Pharmacy have been suspended immediately. The Supreme Court noted that the counsel representing the firm had requested time to submit an affidavit detailing the actions taken to retract the advertisements of Patanjali products and to recall the medicines.

Highlighting the importance of public awareness and responsible influence, the court emphasized that Baba Ramdev wields significant influence and should employ it responsibly. It awaits an affidavit from Patanjali outlining the measures implemented to withdraw the existing misleading advertisements of the company’s products, with instructions for submission within three weeks.

During the proceedings, Indian Medical Association (IMA) President R V Asokan extended an unconditional apology to the bench for remarks made against the top court in a recent interview with news agency PTI. Justice Kohli conveyed to Asokan that public figures cannot criticize the court in media interviews. However, the court indicated its disinclination to accept the apology affidavit submitted by the IMA president at present. In an earlier hearing on May 7, the apex court had denounced Asokan’s statements as “very, very unacceptable.” The court reiterated its stance that celebrities and social media influencers are equally liable for the products they endorse, warning that if such products are found to be misleading, they could face repercussions.

The case stems from a plea filed in 2022 by the IMA alleging a smear campaign by Patanjali against the Covid-19 vaccination drive and modern medical systems. As the legal proceedings unfold, the Supreme Court continues to emphasize the importance of accountability and responsible conduct in advertising and public discourse. The case underscores the need for stringent regulations to curb misleading advertisements and ensure consumer protection. With the demand for transparency and ethical practices on the rise, the judiciary plays a pivotal role in upholding standards of integrity in commercial communications.

As the court awaits the submission of the affidavit from Patanjali, stakeholders across industries are keenly observing the developments, anticipating their implications on advertising practices and regulatory enforcement in the country.

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Tech

Australia fights Musk’s platform over control of online content

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In a courtroom battle that underscores the complex interplay between global tech giants and national regulatory frameworks, Elon Musk’s X, formerly known as Twitter, finds itself at odds with Australian law over the removal of graphic content depicting a terrorist attack.

At the heart of the dispute lies a fundamental question: to what extent should a platform like X be compelled to adhere to the laws of a specific country when it comes to content moderation? The legal showdown commenced as the eSafety Commissioner of Australia sought the removal of 65 posts showcasing a harrowing video of an Assyrian Christian bishop being stabbed during a sermon in Sydney, classified as a terrorist incident by authorities.

Tim Begbie, representing the cyber regulator, argued that while X has policies in place to remove harmful content, it cannot claim unilateral authority to decide what is acceptable under Australian law. He contended that X’s resistance to globally removing the posts challenges the notion of reasonableness within the scope of Australia’s Online Safety Act.

X’s stance, guided by its mission to uphold free speech, underscores a broader philosophical debate surrounding the jurisdictional reach of national laws in the digital realm. The company maintains that while it has blocked access to the posts for Australian users, it refuses to implement global removal, asserting that the internet should not be governed by the laws of a single nation.

However, Begbie argued that geo-blocking, the solution proposed by X, is ineffective due to the widespread use of virtual private networks (VPNs) by a significant portion of the Australian population.

Amidst the legal wrangling, X’s lawyer, Bret Walker, contended that the company had taken reasonable steps to comply with Australian laws while balancing the principles of free expression. He emphasized the importance of allowing global access to newsworthy content, cautioning against the suppression of information on a global scale. The implications of such an approach, he argued, extend beyond Australia’s borders, potentially setting a precedent for censorship on a global scale.

As the case unfolds in the Federal Court, Judge Geoffrey Kennett has issued a temporary takedown order for the posts, extending it until June 10 pending a final decision. The outcome of this legal battle is poised to have far-reaching implications, not only for the regulation of online content in Australia but also for the broader discourse surrounding internet governance and free speech in the digital age.

Beyond the legal arguments, the case underscores the evolving dynamics between tech platforms and regulatory authorities, highlighting the challenges of reconciling competing interests in an increasingly interconnected world. With the proliferation of digital platforms and the rise of social media, questions surrounding content moderation, censorship, and the balance between freedom of expression and societal harm have come to the forefront of public discourse.

In the digital era, where information knows no borders and online platforms wield immense influence over public discourse, the case of X versus Australian law serves as a microcosm of the broader tensions between technology, governance, and individual rights. As societies grapple with the complexities of the digital age, the need for robust legal frameworks, ethical guidelines, and international cooperation becomes ever more apparent.

As the legal battle between X and Australian authorities unfolds, it underscores the intricate relationship between technology, law, and societal norms in the digital age. At stake is not just the removal of graphic content depicting a heinous act but also the broader principles of free speech, censorship, and the jurisdictional reach of national regulations in a globalized world.

The outcome of this case carries significant implications for the future of online content moderation and regulation. On one hand, proponents of free speech argue that platforms like X should have the autonomy to determine their content policies without being unduly influenced by the laws of individual countries. They contend that a global approach to content moderation ensures consistency and prevents the fragmentation of the internet along national lines.

On the other hand, proponents of regulation argue that national laws play a crucial role in safeguarding citizens from harmful content and upholding community standards. They assert that while platforms may operate globally, they must abide by the laws of the countries in which they operate, particularly when it comes to content that poses a threat to public safety or incites violence.

Amidst these competing interests, the case highlights the need for a nuanced approach to content moderation that balances the principles of free speech with the protection of users from harm. It also underscores the importance of international cooperation and dialogue in addressing cross-border challenges in the digital realm.

Beyond the legal realm, the case has broader implications for the future of internet governance and the regulation of online platforms. As technology continues to evolve at a rapid pace, policymakers around the world face the daunting task of crafting regulations that are effective, enforceable, and adaptable to the ever-changing digital landscape.

Moreover, the case raises important questions about the role of tech companies in shaping public discourse and influencing democratic processes. With social media platforms serving as key channels for information dissemination and political engagement, the decisions made by companies like X have far-reaching consequences for the functioning of democratic societies.

Ultimately, the resolution of this case will have significant implications not only for X and its users but also for the broader digital ecosystem. It will shape the future trajectory of online content moderation, influence regulatory approaches to technology platforms, and set precedents for how governments and tech companies interact in the digital age.

As the legal proceedings continue, stakeholders from across sectors will closely monitor developments, recognizing that the outcome of this case has the potential to reshape the digital landscape for years to come. Whether it leads to greater clarity in content moderation policies, a re-evaluation of regulatory frameworks, or a deeper understanding of the complexities of governing the internet, the case of X versus Australian law represents a pivotal moment in the ongoing debate over the future of online governance and free speech in the digital age.

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Legally Speaking

Supreme Court Framed Issues To Consider, Hearing In July 2024: Challenge To Surrogacy Law

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SC seeks Centre’s reply on fresh pleas against CAA

The Supreme Court in the case Arun Muthuvel v. Union of India has elucidated the issues it will consider in a batch of petitions challenging provisions of the Surrogacy Regulation Act, 2021 and the Surrogacy Regulation Rules, 2022. The bench comprising of Justice BV Nagarathna and Justice AG Masih passed the order recording the following issues:

  1. Whether the prohibition of commercial surrogacy as stated under Section 4(ii)(b) and Section 4(ii)(c) of the Surrogacy (Regulation) Act, 2021 is constitutional?
  2. Whether the right of a couple to avail surrogacy being restricted to married couples between the age of 23 to 50 years and in case of female and between 26 to 55 years in case of male as it is being provided as stated under Section 4(iii)(c)(I) read with Section 2(1)(h) of the Surrogacy (Regulation) Act, is constitutional?
  3. Whether the right of a single woman to avail surrogacy being restricted to only widows or divorcees between the ages of 35 to 45 years as it is provided being under Section 2(1)(s) of the Surrogacy, the Regulation Act 2021, is constitutional?
  4. Whether the right of an intending couple to avail surrogacy being restricted to only those couples who do not have a surviving child as provided as stated under Section 4(iii)(c)(II) of the Surrogacy (Regulation) Act 2021, is constitutional?
  5. Whether individuals who initiated the process of availing surrogacy which being prior to the enactment of the Surrogacy, the Regulation Act, 2021 have any right to avail surrogacy in a manner which being beyond the scope of the Surrogacy (Regulation) Act, 2021, save for cases falling within the ambit of Section 53 of the Act?

The petitioner in the plea highlighted an additional issue which relates to exclusion of single men from the purview of Surrogacy Regulation Act.

Therefore, the lead petition in the matter has been filed by an infertility specialist from Chennai, Dr. Arun Muthuvel, through Advocate Mohini Priya and Advocate Ameyavikrama Thanvi.

Therefore, while highlighting various contradictions in the Surrogacy Regulation Act and the Assisted Reproductive Technology (Regulation) Act, 2021, thus, the petitioner in the plea points out that the twin legislations inaugurated a legal regime that was discriminatory and was violative of the constitutional rights of privacy and reproductive autonomy.

The Supreme Court in the case observed and has agreed to hear the petition wherein it challenges against the two Acts. In September last year, several other petitions and applications were filed wherein similar questions were raised, such as whether it was constitutional to exclude unmarried women from the ambit of the Surrogacy Act, or whether limiting the number of donations made by an oocyte donor under the ART Act would amount to unscientific and irrational restrictions.

The bench in the case observed and has expressed reservations about hearing the challenges to both the Acts simultaneously, as the linkage between the provisions of the two Acts could not be ascertained in the present matter. Further, the said court decided that issues wrt the Surrogacy Regulation Act will be heard first, followed by those which relate to the ART Act.

The court asked the parties to file written submissions on the foregoing issues. It has also been clarified by the said court that the petitioners need not restrict their submissions to the issues recorded by the court. Any ‘related’ issue may also be raised during the proceedings.

Accordingly, the court listed the matter for further consideration on July 30, 2024.

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Legally Speaking

SC ruling on spectrum allocation doesn’t affect satellites

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SC seeks Centre’s reply on fresh pleas against CAA

The Supreme Court’s decision to reject the government’s application seeking clarification on administrative allocation of spectrum for non-mobile services is not expected to impact the allocation of satellite spectrum as outlined in the Telecom Bill, according to highly placed sources. In February 2012, the Supreme Court had upheld that auctions were the preferred method for allocating scarce public resources like telecom spectrum.

The Centre had filed a miscellaneous application in December last year seeking a clarification on the matter of administrative allocation of spectrum, which was mentioned in court last week. However, the SC registrar refused to accept the plea, arguing that it was seeking a review of the 2012 order and that there was no ‘reasonable cause’ to entertain it.

Government sources emphasized that this decision would not change the existing laws governing spectrum allocations for satellite communications, as clearly stated in the Telecom Bill. Sources clarified that the application did not seek to amend the 2012 judgment on 2G spectrum allotment nor did it seek permission for administratively allocating spectrum. Spectrum will continue to be auctioned for mobile services, while for the 19 specific use cases cited in the Telecom Bill, it will be allocated administratively.

The government had filed the miscellaneous application at the Supreme Court to explain its intentions before tabling the bill in Parliament, emphasizing that it was not seeking any permission from the court. The application aimed to seek appropriate clarifications from the court regarding the CPIL judgment in 2012, to establish a spectrum assignment framework that includes methods of assignment other than auction in suitable cases, to best serve the common good. In 2012, the SC had criticized the ‘first-come, first served’ method for spectrum allocation, known as the CPIL judgment, and had quashed the 2G spectrum allotted by the United Progressive Alliance government.

Since then, the government has been issuing spectrum administratively in certain cases where auctions are not technically or economically preferred or optimal. The Telecom Bill’s First Schedule lists satellite spectrum and 18 other sectors where administrative allocations will be compulsory, including law enforcement, public broadcasting, in-flight and maritime connectivity, the Indian Army and Coast Guard, and radio backhaul for telecom services. Government sources noted that all stakeholders were consulted on the issue, and the government was confident of its legal standing as outlined in the Telecommunications Act.

The SC, in a presidential reference, did not specify that all spectrum should be auctioned, only that for mobile services. The Supreme Court’s decision not to accept the government’s application seeking clarification on spectrum allocation for non-mobile services does not alter the framework outlined in the Telecom Bill. While auctions remain the preferred method for mobile services, administrative allocations will continue for specific use cases, including satellite spectrum, as delineated in the bill.

The rejection of the application underscores the importance of adherence to established legal procedures and the judiciary’s role in upholding regulatory frameworks. Moving forward, the government remains committed to transparent and efficient spectrum allocation, balancing the imperatives of economic efficiency and public interest in the telecommunications sector.

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Legally Speaking

Legal Victory for Ankiti Bose: Limits Imposed on Defamatory Content Regarding Former Zilingo Chief

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A legal dispute has unfolded involving B2B fashion startup Zilingo, with former CEO Ankiti Bose on one side, and co-founder Dhruv Kapoor and former COO Aadi Vaidya on the opposing side.

A recent court decision in Delhi has brought focus to a legal dispute involving Ankiti Bose, the former CEO of Zilingo, a prominent technology platform. The court issued an ex parte order in Bose’s favor, instructing certain parties, including Zilingo co-founder Dhruv Kapoor and former COO Aadi Vaidya, to refrain from making defamatory statements against Bose. This decision underscores the importance of protecting reputational rights against unfair reporting.

The court’s ruling cited a prima facie case in Bose’s favor, acknowledging her legal right to safeguard her reputation from damaging remarks. It emphasized that failure to act promptly could lead to irreparable harm to Bose’s reputation. The order specifically bars Kapoor and Vaidya from making any further defamatory postings against the former CEO.

This legal action stems from a broader conflict within Zilingo, a B2B fashion startup that has faced financial struggles since its inception in 2015. Bose’s departure from the company was contentious, marked by allegations of misconduct and underperformance. She subsequently filed a First Information Report (FIR) accusing Kapoor and Vaidya of sexual harassment and business irregularities. In response, the accused have dismissed these claims as retaliatory, asserting that Bose’s actions were prompted by her dismissal from the company.

The litigation highlights the complexities of corporate disputes and the broader implications for individuals and businesses. Beyond the legalities, it reflects the challenges faced by startups navigating internal strife amidst financial difficulties. Zilingo’s trajectory, from inception to liquidation, encapsulates the turbulent landscape of the tech industry and underscores the importance of legal protections for individuals like Bose seeking to safeguard their professional standing amidst controversy. The court’s intervention serves as a reminder of the gravity of reputational issues in the modern corporate environment, particularly amidst the complexities of startup dynamics and leadership disputes.

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Legally Speaking

Supreme Court In Patanjali Case: Concerned With All FMCG/Drugs Companies Affecting Lives Of Children And Elderly Through Misleading Ads

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The Supreme Court in the case Indian Medical Association v. Union Of India observed and has clarified against Patanjali over publication of misleading advertisements that it was not dealing with Patanjali as a standalone entity; rather, the Court’s concern, in public interest, extended to all those Fast Moving Consumer Goods, FMCGs or drugs companies which take consumers of their products for a ride through misleading advertisements. The bench comprising of Justice Hima Kohli and Justice Ahsanuddin Amanullah in its order stated that, this court must clarify that we are not here to gun for a particular party, or a particular agency or a particular authority.

This being the absolute Public Interest Litigation, PIL since it is in the larger interest of the consumers, the public to know which way they are going and how and why they can be misled and how […] is acting to prevent that misuse. Thus, at the end, this is also as we said a part of the process of rule of law. If that is violated, then it affects […].

The court in the case observed that the implementation of laws regulating misleading ads in relation to medicines require deeper examination, as the products are used for babies, school going children and senior citizens based on the ads: Further, the court stated that this court is of the opinion that the issue which relates to implementation of the relevant provisions of the Drugs and Magic Remedies Act and the Rules, the Drugs and Cosmetic Act and the Rules, and the Consumers Act and the relevant Rules needs closer examination in the light of the grievances raised by the petitioner…not just limited to the respondents before this court but to all similarly situated or placed FMCGs who have […] misleading advertisements, and taking the public for a ride…affecting the health of babies, school going children and senior citizens who have been consuming products on the basis of the said misrepresentation.

The court while taking into account the misleading ads issued in electronic media impleaded the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Ministry of Information Technology, and Ministry of Consumer Affairs. Therefore, the same was being done with a view to examine the steps taken by these Ministries to prevent abuse of Drugs and Magic Remedies (Objectionable Advertisements) Act 1954 (and the Rules), the Drugs and Cosmetic Act 1940 (and Rules) and the Consumer Protection Act. Accordingly, the court listed the matter for further consideration on May 07, 2024.

Background Of The Case:

The Court raps Uttarakhand authorities The said court also came down heavily on the State of Uttarakhand for the failure of its licensing authorities to take legal action against Patanjali and its subsidiary Divya Pharmacy. The bench also asked why it should not think that the authorities were ‘hand in glove’ with Patanjali or Divya Pharmacy.

The court in its order stated that it was ‘appalled’ to note that apart from ‘pushing the file’, the State Licensing Authorities did nothing and were merely trying to ‘pass on the buck’ to ‘somehow delay the matter.’ The court stated that the State Licensing Authority is “equally complicit” due to its inaction against Divya Pharmacy despite having information about t heir advertisements violating the Drugs and Magic Remedies (Objectionable Advertisements) Act.

Further, the court stated that it was refraining from issuing contempt notices to other officers. Further, the court directed that all officers holding the post of Joint Director of the State Licensing Authority, Haridwar between 2018 till date shall also file affidavits explaining inaction on their part.

Background of the Case:

The contempt case was initiated wherein the petition is filed by the Indian Medical Association against Patanjali’s advertisements attacking allopathy and making claims about curing certain diseases. On the Supreme Court reprimand, the Patanjali on last November had assured that it would refrain from such advertisements. The court in the case noted that the misleading advertisements continued, thus, the Court had issued contempt notice to Patanjali and its MD in February.

The court in march considering that reply to the contempt notice was not filed, the personal appearance of the Patanjali MD as well as Baba Ramdev, who featured in the press conferences and advertisements published after the undertaking, was ordered by the said Court. Therefore, the Patanjali MD filed an affidavit wherein it is stated that the impugned advertisements were meant to contain only general statements but inadvertently included offending sentences. Further, the court stated that the advertisements were bona-fide and that Patanjali’s media personnel was not ‘cognizant’ of the November order (wherein the undertaking was given before the Supreme Court).

The affidavit filed also contained an averment that the Drugs and Magic Remedies Act was in an “archaic state” as it was enacted at a time when scientific evidence regarding Ayurvedic medicines was lacking. On the last date of hearing, both Baba Ramdev and MD Balkrishna were physically present in Court. The court expressed its reservations about MD Balkrishna’s affidavit, calling it “perfunctory” and “mere lip service”. The court gave last opportunity to the alleged contemnors for filing a proper affidavit.

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